Trump relishes wrecking Republicans トランプ、共和党破壊を楽しむ


Trump relishes wrecking Republicans

By George Will The Washington Post

Lyndon Johnson simply was exasperated. Barack Obama’s mischief was methodical.

Four days before the 1966 congressional elections, Johnson, asked about criticism from Richard Nixon, testily responded: “I do not want to get into a debate … with a chronic campaigner like Mr. Nixon.” Johnson’s disparagement endeared Nixon to Republican voters, thereby propelling him toward the presidency.

Four days before Saturday’s South Carolina primary, Obama improved Donald Trump’s standing with Republicans by deploring him and cannily placing him in the Republican mainstream: “He says in more interesting ways what the other [Republican] candidates are saying.” Not exactly.

Certainly not last week when Trump said, “I like the [Obamacare] mandate.” He thereby disparaged one of conservatism’s greatest recent achievements — persuading five Supreme Court justices that the mandate is not justifiable as a regulation of interstate commerce, so the Constitution’s Commerce Clause is not an infinitely elastic empowerment of Congress.

「リンドン・ジョンソンはすぐ切れた。バラック・オバマの茶目っ気は計画的だった。1966年の議会選挙4日前、リチャード・ニクソンの批判について尋ねられたジョンソンはつっけんどんに答えた。”ニクソン氏のような選挙運動が生業みたいな輩とは議論したくない”。ジョンソンの軽蔑は共和党有権者をニクソン贔屓にし、それによってニクソンは大統領になれた。土曜のサウスカロライナ・プライマリーの4日前、オバマは彼に強い嫌悪感を示す事によってドナルド・トランプと共和党員の関係を改善し、抜け目なく彼を共和党主流へと引き上げた。:”彼は他の共和党候補者が言っていることをより人の関心を引く方法で言っている。”必ずしもそうとは言えない。確実に、先週トランプが”私はオバマケアの強制適用を気に入っている”と言った時は、そうとは言えない。彼はそれによって保守主義の近年最大の偉業を蔑ろにした。ー 憲法の通称条項は無限に融通の利く権限を議会に付与してはいないので強制適用は州際通商の規制として正当と認められない事を5人の連邦最高裁判事に認めさせた。」

Trump was not saying “what the other candidates are saying” when last week he said: “Every single other [Republican] candidate is going to cut the hell out of your Social Security.” Trump so relishes causing Republican wreckage that he went on to attack House Speaker Paul Ryan. Recalling the Democrats’ 2011 ad depicting a Ryan-like figure pushing an elderly woman in a wheelchair off a cliff, Trump suggested that the ad was fair commentary on Ryan’s proposed entitlement reforms. Trump’s plan for reforming entitlements probably is to get Mexico to pay for them, after it finances The Wall.


Many South Carolina evangelicals, like those in Iowa, showed, shall we say, Christian forgiveness toward Trump, who boasts of his sexual athleticism, embraces torture and promises to kill terrorists’ families. Or perhaps these remarkable evangelicals think his myriad conversions-of-convenience (his serial adjustments of his “convictions” in time for this campaign) constitute being “born again.” This is an interesting interpretation of John 3:7.


As the Republican Party contemplates putting forward this florid face, the Democratic Party, clinging to Hillary Clinton like a shipwrecked sailor clinging to a spar, celebrates her Nevada achievement.

Her Nevada triumph was sealed by African-Americans, and she evidently plans to erase Sanders by stoking racial insecurities and grievances. If she plans to win the presidency by reassembling and reinvigorating the Obama coalition, she has work to do with another component of it: In three contests now, Sanders has crushed her among 18- to-29-year-olds, voters most of whom are too young to remember either her husband or when she was not an establishment fixture.


The Republican process of picking Clinton’s opponent already has, before the fourth delegate selection event, pruned the field from 17 to five, with only four — Trump, Ted Cruz, Marco Rubio and John Kasich, but not Ben Carson — with arguable paths to the nomination. Cruz is counting on volunteers wielding smartphones loaded with analytics — Boss Tweed meets Steve Jobs — to counter Trump’s surfing on an endless wave of free media. Rubio needs Kasich, the only remaining governor, to wither while waiting for the process to reach states thought to be congenial. When Kasich became the last candidate (other than Jim Gilmore) to enter the race, one of his senior advisers pointed far ahead to Michigan’s March 8 primary. Kasich’s narrow path is: Become the sole center-right alternative, one-on-one with Trump or Cruz in the industrial Midwest, and move from a strong Michigan showing to a March 15 victory in winner-take-all Ohio. Trump wants to delay the day when he has only one opponent and might learn that his ceiling is what he won in South Carolina — 32.5 percent.

「共和党によるクリントン対抗馬の選択過程は、4度目の代表団選出イベント以前に、17人から5人へとフィールドを刈り込みました。ベンカーソンを除く、トランプ、テッド・クルーズ、マーコ・ルビオ・ジョン・ケーシックの4人だけが代表指名への論拠ある道筋があります。クルーズは、トランプの無限のメディアただ乗りの波に対抗するためにスマートフォンに詰め込んだ分析を巧みに扱うボランティアを頼みにしています- ボス・トィードはスティーブ・ジョブズに会った事がある。ルビオは、勝てる見込みのある州の予備選を待つ間、唯一生き残っている州知事のケーシックが消える必要があります。ケーシックがレースに参加する最後の候補者(ギルモア以外で)となった時、彼のシニアアドバイザーの一人は、かなり前から3月8日のミシガン州予備選に焦点を合わせていた。ケーシックの狭い道筋は、ただ一人の中道右派の選択肢となる事、アメリカ中西部の工業地帯でトランプかクルーズと一対一となる事、そしてミシガン勝利の勢いに乗り3月15日の勝者総取りのオハイオで勝利するというものです。トランプは一騎打ちになって彼の支持の上限がサウスカロライナ勝利時の32.5%かもしれないという事を学ぶ日を遅らせたい。」

In 2011, Trump said he had dispatched investigators to Hawaii to unearth the sinister truth about Obama’s birth. He said, “They cannot believe what they’re finding.” No one has seen his astonishing discoveries — or his tax filings, which might illuminate unsavory business practices and exaggerations of his wealth. He thrives by determining the campaign’s conversation. It is time to talk about his tax records. – © 2016 WASHINGTON POST WRITERS GROUP